Prohibit any candidate or holder of federal or state elected office, or, any person who holds a regulatory position with state or federal government, from investing in publicly held corporations. This proposal aims to prevent conflicts of interest and ensure that public officials act in the best interest of the citizens they serve rather than being influenced by their personal financial interests.

The Argument

Prohibit any candidate or holder of federal or state elected office, or, any person who holds a regulatory position with state or federal government, from investing in publicly held corporations. This proposal aims to prevent conflicts of interest and ensure that public officials act in the best interest of the citizens they serve rather than being influenced by their personal financial interests. By restricting public officials from investing in publicly held corporations, the proposal seeks to eliminate any potential for corruption, promote transparency, and bolster public trust in government institutions. Early Efforts to Address Conflicts of Interest The concern over conflicts of interest is not new. Historically, efforts to address such issues have been part of broader attempts to ensure ethical governance. One of the earliest examples in American history can be traced back to the late 18th and early 19th centuries when the fledgling U.S. government sought to establish norms and practices that would prevent the undue influence of private interests on public policy. During the Progressive Era in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, there was a significant push to curb the influence of big business on government. Reformers sought to address the rampant corruption and conflicts of interest that had become endemic during the Gilded Age. Measures such as the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 and the establishment of regulatory bodies like the Federal Trade Commission were steps toward reducing corporate influence on politics and ensuring fair competition. Case Studies and Examples Several high-profile cases highlight the potential dangers of allowing public officials to hold investments in publicly held corporations. For example, during the 2008 financial crisis, there were numerous instances where lawmakers’ financial interests in certain industries appeared to influence their policy decisions. These conflicts of interest undermined public confidence in the government’s ability to act impartially. The Watergate scandal of the 1970s underscored the need for comprehensive ethics reforms. In the aftermath of the scandal, the Ethics in Government Act of 1978 was enacted, introducing significant changes aimed at increasing transparency and accountability among public officials. While the act did not specifically prohibit investments in publicly held corporations, it laid the groundwork for stricter regulations and oversight. The Influence of Corporate Lobbying In contemporary politics, corporate lobbying remains a powerful force. Public officials who have financial stakes in publicly held corporations may face pressure to enact policies favorable to those companies, leading to potential conflicts of interest. This influence can skew policy decisions away from the public good and toward the interests of a few powerful entities. The Need for Stricter Regulations Despite existing regulations, the potential for conflicts of interest persists. The proposal to prohibit public officials from investing in publicly held corporations represents a necessary step toward addressing these ongoing challenges. By eliminating the possibility of personal financial gain from corporate investments, this measure seeks to ensure that public officials remain focused on serving the public interest. Enhancing Public Trust Public trust in government is essential for the effective functioning of democracy. By prohibiting investments in publicly held corporations, this 159 WHAT SHOULD WE DO TO LIMIT CORPORATE HEGEMONY? proposal aims to reassure the public that their elected officials and regulators are making decisions based solely on the public good, free from personal financial motives. Promoting Ethical Governance This proposal supports the principle of ethical governance by ensuring that public officials do not have divided loyalties. When officials are barred from investing in publicly held corporations, they are less likely to face situations where their financial interests conflict with their duty to serve the public. Reducing Corruption The prohibition on investments in publicly held corporations helps to reduce the risk of corruption. Without the opportunity for personal financial gain through corporate investments, public officials are less likely to be influenced by corporate interests, thereby fostering a more honest and transparent government. Lessons from Other Countries Several countries have implemented strict regulations to prevent conflicts of interest among public officials. For example, in some European nations, elected officials and high-ranking civil servants are required to divest themselves of any investments that could pose a conflict of interest. These measures have been effective in promoting transparency and maintaining public trust in government institutions. The United States has seen various efforts to address conflicts of interest through legislation and ethical guidelines. The proposal to prohibit public officials from investing in publicly held corporations builds on this tradition, seeking to further strengthen the integrity of public service and prevent the undue influence of private interests. The proposal to prohibit any candidate for or holder of federal or state elected office, or any individual in a regulatory position with state or federal government, from investing in publicly held corporations is a crucial step toward ensuring ethical governance and maintaining public trust. Conclusion As we reach the conclusion of 95 Theses for a Free Republic, it is clear that the path forward is neither simple nor swift. These theses are not just statements but a call to action, demanding a collective effort to address the multifaceted challenges facing our nation. They are designed to spark dialogue, inspire reflection, and guide our steps toward meaningful reform. In drafting these theses, my goal has been to initiate a national conversation about the principles and values that should guide us as a republic. Just as Martin Luther’s 95 Theses ignited a movement that reshaped the course of history, I hope that this work will serve as a catalyst for a new era of civic engagement and purposeful citizenship. Implementing these ideas will require patience, persistence, and a commitment to building consensus across our diverse society. Some changes may come quickly, providing immediate benefits and demonstrating progress. However, the most profound and lasting reforms will take time, requiring us to work together, learn from each other, and remain steadfast in our dedication to the common good. The essence of our republic lies in its people and their shared commitment to liberty, justice, and democracy. By reconnecting with the foundational principles that have sustained us since our founding, we can ensure that future generations inherit a nation that remains true to its ideals. This is not just about preserving our past but about building a future where freedom and opportunity are available to all. The call to action is not just to implement these theses but to vigorously debate them. An intentional conversation is the whole purpose of this book. Such dialogue must happen in an open society like ours before any new laws are implemented. This process of debate and discussion is essential to ensuring that any actions taken are well-considered, widely supported, and truly beneficial for our nation. As we move forward, let us remember that the strength of our republic depends on the active participation and vigilance of its citizens. Each of us has a role to play in shaping the direction of our country. Together, we can revive the spirit of intentional citizenship and work toward a brighter future. Thank you for joining me on this journey. Let us now take these theses and turn them into action, ensuring that our republic remains free, vibrant, and resilient for generations to come. We do have a republic worth keeping. June 1, 2024 Prosperity, South Carolina Washingtons Farewell Address George Washington’s Farewell Address is a historic document that was penned as Washington prepared to leave the presidency after serving two terms. By 1796, George Washington was concluding his second term as the first President of the United States. He had initially wanted to retire after his first term but was persuaded to serve a second term to help stabilize the young nation. Washington was eager to return to private life and his estate at Mount Vernon, as he had served in public life for many years and felt the weight of his age and health. Washington sought advice from close confidants in drafting his Farewell Address. Alexander Hamilton, his former Secretary of the Treasury, played a significant role in the writing process. James Madison, who had helped with Washington’s earlier drafts, also contributed ideas, particularly for a draft prepared in 1792 when Washington first considered retiring. The Address reflected Washington’s thoughts on the emerging political landscape, his concerns about factionalism, and his vision for the nation’s future. Key themes included the dangers of political parties, the importance of national unity, and the value of neutrality in foreign affairs. The Farewell Address was not delivered as a speech but published as an open letter to the American people. It appeared in the American Daily Advertiser, a Philadelphia newspaper, on September 19, 1796. The Address was widely circulated and read across the country, becoming an influential and enduring document in American political thought. Washington warned against the divisive effects of political parties, believing they would lead to factions and weaken the government. He advised against forming permanent alliances with foreign nations, advocating for a policy of neutrality to avoid entanglements in European conflicts. Emphasizing the importance of unity among the states, Washington called for Americans to prioritize their common national identity over regional interests. He also stressed the significance of religion and morality as foundational principles for the country’s political prosperity and civic virtue. Washington’s Farewell Address has been cited throughout American history by various leaders and remains a foundational document reflecting the principles and concerns of the early Republic. The Address is still studied and referenced for its insights into the nature of American democracy, the role of government, and the challenges of maintaining unity and liberty. Its time we return this important founding document to the forefront of our collective conscience for its absence over the past century has compromised our civic engagement. Below is the address in its original form as printed in The American Daily Advertiser on September 19, 1796. I have highlighted the portions that were utilized as inspiration for 37 of my 95 Theses. Friends and Citizens: The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburning’s which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. (14) The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. (15) But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; (16) and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, (17) on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration (18). It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms (19), kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. (20) It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism (21). A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositaries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked: Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit(66). One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible(67), avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace(partial 57), but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts(68) which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear(69). The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue(70); that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.(71) Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all (38). Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it - It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others(39), should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. (40) The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave (41). It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim. So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification (42). It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate (43), in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation(44). As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils. Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other(46) Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible(45). So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation(47); when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground?(56) Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?(58) It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world(59); so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy(72). I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them(50) Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies(48). Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest.(51 and partial 57) But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences(52); consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing(53); establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse(54), the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence(55) for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard(49). In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. Policy Proposal index Among the 95 theses presented, only 40 are policy proposals that warrant thorough discussion and deliberation. Some of these proposals may appear radical to those unfamiliar with how the United States government was originally created and how it has been altered over the past two hundred years. It is imperative we encourage thorough and open discussion and deliberation on how to constitutionally implement these proposals. Presented below are those 40 theses, prioritized top to bottom based on my sense of urgency balanced with the time required to garner informed public support. Thesis 22: A candidate for political office can only accept campaign funds from individual citizens qualified to vote for them. Pg. 25 Thesis 25: Elected members of Congress must not partake in a retirement plan. They should receive Social Security like the rest of us. Pg. 32 Thesis 61: The president cannot send military troops into harm’s way inside the domain of a foreign nation without a formal declaration of war by Congress. Pg. 93 Thesis 23: A candidate for political office should be limited to how many years they can serve to ensure the public benefit is not compromised by the power accumulated for their self-benefit. Pg. 28 Thesis 65: Our nation’s foreign policy initiatives must never be determined by profit-driven corporations. Pg. 101 Thesis 28: End the practice of omnibus bills: any bill must pertain to one subject only, and that subject should be in the title. Pg. 36 Thesis 34: No elected official can leave elected office and work in any “position of influence” (Board of Trustees or be employed as a lobbyist) with a 501c4 for a period equal to his/her time in office. Pg. 45 Thesis 73: Create a time-definable plan to pay off the majority percentage of the debt of the federal government. Pg. 115 Thesis 77: Any federal income tax created for a specific war debt expires once those war debts are paid for. Pg. 119 Thesis 89: Establishment of, and rigid enforcement of, antitrust laws in both the state and national marketplace with a prioritized focus on media and medical conglomerates. Pg. 138 Thesis 62: The USA is to honor all obligations that have been signed, but to seek in all future relations a status of neutrality. Pg. 95 Thesis 95: Prohibit any candidate or holder of federal or state elected office, or, any person who holds a regulatory position with state or federal government, from investing in publicly held corporations. Pg. 157 Thesis 24: The source of income received by political candidates or office holders must be fully disclosed. Pg. 31 Thesis 90: The federal government should be prohibited to intervene in an individual’s right to self-medicate. Pg. 143 Thesis 93: Prohibit local/state/federal administrative support for political party primaries. Pg. 151 Thesis 94: Prohibit any person holding federal position (elected or employee) from joining the board of a corporation or being hired as executive leadership in a corporation for a time period equal to their most recent time in office/employment. Pg. 153 Thesis 87: Constitutional amendment to distinguish natural persons, or individual citizens, from artificial personas, or corporations. Thesis 88: Ensure the 14th Amendment refers to “natural persons.” Pg. 135 Thesis 38: Hearings by legislative committees should only be shared publicly through transcripts and end video recording except for security purposes. Pg. 56 Thesis 27: If the Senate maintains a filibuster rule, then the actual filibuster must take place and must adhere to the subject of legislation under debate. Pg. 35 Thesis 29: The Electoral College should not be party appointees nor winner-take-all. Pg. 38 Thesis 92: Prohibit straight ticket voting along party lines. Pg. 148 Thesis 26: End the practice of dividing the congressional chambers along party lines and have all state delegations sitting together in both legislative houses.Pg. 34 Thesis 64: Military training at 18 years of age for qualified men and women to be available for state/home guard active service for a minimum of two years and never to be utilized outside the state of residency unless by order of the governor or a constitutional declaration of war. Pg. 99 Thesis 35: Citizens of the Republic should be governed more by the government closest to them. Pg. 48 Thesis 36: The state government is the closest government to the people due to its comprehensive constitutional authority, legislative power, regulatory oversight, and direct accountability to residents through elections and governance.Pg. 48 Thesis 37: Services to the citizenry’s well-being should be the primary responsibility of the State. Pg. 51 Thesis 63: Initiate plans to phase out the presence of a standing army in foreign lands. Pg. 97 Thesis 76: Amend the 16th Amendment to create a federal income tax only to fund the investment necessitated by a formal declaration of war by Congress. Pg. 117 Thesis 91: Institute rank choice or approval voting for federal office. pg. 145 Thesis 81: Property taxes should be eradicated in lieu of sales tax on products produced from property and property sales. Pg. 125 Thesis 33: The districts of members of the House of Representatives should be reduced in size to reflect a closer connectivity with the people of the district. Pg. 43 Thesis 30: The Senate and the House must return to their original role of checks and balances with each other. Pg. 41 Thesis 31: For the Senate and House to check each other, the legislative branches must have different constituencies. Pg. 41 Thesis 32: Repeal the 17th Amendment so the Senate can return to its original constitutional role as representing state governments. Pg. 41 Thesis 78: The tax burden on citizens to finance services legislated by their elected representatives should come primarily from state governments. Pg. 120 Thesis 79: Federal taxes should be based primarily on consumption of goods: local, interstate, imports. Pg. 122 Thesis 80: States should have the exclusive right to create a permanent income tax as well as sales tax. Pg. 123